We have now come to the end of the first stage of our plan to promote
our proposal for a Humanitarian Regional Solution to the Israeli Palestinian
Conflict. (The proposal can be accessed via http://www.jerusalemsummit.org/eng/hs_short_eng.htm
in English and http://www.jerusalemsummit.org/eng/hs_short.htm
in Hebrew)
The proposal generated a flood of responses - some of which we tried to
answer on an individual basis. However, although we would have liked to
reply personally to each respondent, whether supportive or antagonistic,
this proved impossible and we are, unfortunately, physically unable to
do so.
Instead we have composed a single document which addresses most of the
questions, comments, criticisms and objections that were raised during
campaign.
The list of FAQ's is given hereunder and the responses to them can be
accessed by clicking on any one of them.
How
can we help/what can we do to promote this plan?
How
much would it cost?
How
feasible is large scale Palestinian emigration?
Who
would accept them?
What
about those who remain?
Isn't
the proposal an odious/fascist/racist plot for ethnic cleansing?
More
on the question of ethnic cleansing
What
if the same kind of offer would be made to Induce Jewish emigration?
How
can we help/what can we do to promote this plan? |
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Many respondents wanted to know how they could
help promote the proposed Humanitarian Approach to the Israel-Palestinian
Conflict. The best way to contribute in this respect is to assist
in disseminating it to as wide an audience as possible. This could
be done in one or more of the following ways:
1. Send it to recipients on any mailing lists you
have access to.
2. Send it to local media with whom you have contacts.
3. Send it to academics, Mid-East experts with whom you are acquainted
4. Send it to your politicians - both at the local and national
level.
5. Print and distribute the PDF version available (in Hebrew and
English) via the websites.
6. Make a U.S. tax deductible donation to help us promote the idea
of Humanitarian Approach.
Please, send checks to:
Jerusalem Summit
Ansonia Station Post Office
Post Office Box 230341
New York NY 10023-0006 USA
For donations via PayPal see http://www.jerusalemsummit.org/eng/donate.php
Again, the proposal can be accessed via:
http://www.jerusalemsummit.org/eng/hs_short_eng.htm - in English
http://www.jerusalemsummit.org/eng/hs_short.htm - in Hebrew
Remember, it is essential to put the proposed plan
on the public agenda - and to keep it there. For it is only by generating
active ongoing debate on the proposal and its merits relative to
other (failed) alternatives that it will penetrate public awareness
and thus acquire legitimacy as a feasible policy option.
In this regard we also strongly urge you to familiarize
yourself with solid, well argued responses to rebut criticism from
those who oppose the proposal, as well as with reliable and informative
answers to questions that interested and potentially sympathetic
parties may raise. In the following sections we provide some such
responses/answers to queries which were raised by various respondents
to our proposal.
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How
much would it cost? |
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Recently the scale of Palestinian emigration have
reached proportions so worrying that that the Mufti of the Palestinian
Authority felt it necessary to issue a "fatwa" (a religious
decree) forbidding this.
See http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1181228581339&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull
These findings are of course far more powerful
and persuasive evidence than the vague and unsubstantiated protestations
of those opposing the proposal that "the Palestinians will
never forsake their land". The factual findings seem to indicate
otherwise
It is difficult to arrive at a precise estimate for the total cost
of such a scheme for the relocation and rehabilitation of the Palestinian
population west of the Jordan River - since this would clearly depend
on the finally determined level of compensation and the actual size
of the population. There is a fierce debate regarding the true figures
for Palestinian population in Judea, Samaria and Gaza - with a discrepancy
of well over a million between competing estimates. New and reliable
sources seem to indicate that the Palestinian population is considerably
lower than the usually accepted figures.
(See The Million Person Gap: The Arab Population in the West Bank
and Gaza-
http://www.biu.ac.il/Besa/MSPS65.pdf
and also see
http://www.pademographics.com)
Assuming compensation of between US$ 100,000 -200,000 per family
the total cost would be between US $ 60 billion and US $ 160 billion.
This is of course is a fraction of the US$ 350 billion that the
US has already incurred in the War on Iraq. Moreover, given the
fact that Israel's GNP is about US$ 100 billion, if it were to allocate
5-7% of this GNP per annum over a decade to a decade and a half,
it could bear much of the economic burden by itself. If the international
community were to help shoulder the task, the entire enterprise
could be completed far more rapidly, at a cost which would be virtually
imperceptible, amounting to a mere fraction of a percentage point
of the GNP of the OECD nations.
Finally it should be recognized that cost incurred by "Disengagement"
from Gaza, together with a cost of the planned "Convergence" from
the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) is estimated at tens of billions
of dollars. The same is true for the evacuation of the Golan. Thus,
the cost of Israeli withdrawal, and uprooting Jewish settlements
established decades ago, is of the same order of magnitude as of
the proposed Humanitarian-Regional Solution for the resettlement
of the Palestinians - this without taking into account the cost
of financing
UNRWA in it's present form and the enormous international aid
that would be required to maintain a faltering and failing Palestinian
State.
Surely it would be far wiser to spend the money on inducing voluntary
Palestinian migration rather than imposing coercive Jewish deportation.
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How
feasible is large Scale Palestinian Emigration? |
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No one knows precisely how many Palestinians can
be induced to emigrate without putting the matter to a practical
test. However, the only available evidence strongly suggests that
extensive emigration is indeed eminently feasible. A poll commissioned
in December 2004 by the Jerusalem Summit and conducted via
a reputable Israeli research institute, in collaboration with the
well-known Palestinian center*, showed that over 40% had actively
considered emigration while up to 50% did not discount such a possibility
- even without being offered any material inducement.
The figure rose to over 70% (!) when the question of material compensation
was introduced to encourage such emigration. See http://www.jerusalemsummit.org/eng/news.php?news=102.
These findings received strong - and independent
corroboration - in a recent poll conducted by Bir Zeit Universtiy,
which also showed that close to half the Palestinian youth would
emigrate if given the chance. In the words of the poll: "44%
of young Palestinians are willing to [e]migrate if given the opportunity".
See http://home.birzeit.edu/dsp/opinionpolls/poll28/highlights.html.
Likewise an article which appeared in October this year in the
Christian Science Monitor also reports wide-scale Palestinian
willingness to emigrate - again even in the absence of the systematic
financial inducements specified in our proposal. See http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/1024/p04s01-wome.html.
These findings are of course far more powerful
and persuasive evidence than the vague and unsubstantiated protestations
of those opposing the proposal that "the Palestinians will
never forsake their land". The factual findings seem to indicate
otherwise.
*Maagar
Mohot Interdisciplinary Research and Consulting Institute Ltd, under
the supervision of Prof. Yitzhak Katz, Prof. Baruch Mevorach - Scientific
Director, and Amir Horkin, Research Manager - in collaboration with
The Palestinian Center For Public Opinion under the management of
Dr.Nabil Kokli)
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Who
would accept them? |
The Palestinian recipients of relocation grants
would not be arriving as communities of impoverished refugees
but as individual immigrants of relative affluence who traditionally
have brought great benefit to the host countries that accepted them.
Moreover, the volume of money the Palestinian newcomers would bring
with them would constitute a very significant influx of funds into
the economies of these host countries. Indeed, for every hundred
Palestinian families received, the host country could count on the
influx of around ten to twenty million dollars directly into the
private sector. Absorbing 2500 new Palestinian family units could
mean the injection of quarter of a billion to half a billion dollars,
into the local economy of countries direly in need of such funds.
Consider the following example, which if not entirely realistic,
is instructive in illustrating the principle involved. Suppose Indonesia
- the word's most populous Moslem country - were to open its gates
to the Palestinians and all the Palestinians in areas across the
Green Line were indeed to emigrate to that country. The significance
of this would be an increase of a little over 1% (!) of the
Indonesian population (estimated at almost 250 million) but an influx
of over US $ 100 billion (!!!) into the Indonesian economy
whose total GNP (2005) is less than US $ 300 billion. Moreover,
each Palestinian breadwinner would arrive with a sum worth over
a century (!!!) of GNP per capita in his pocket - which would mean
that he would in no way be an impoverished refugee and a burden
on the local society or economy. Quite the opposite. He would be
a rather well-to-do individual, capable of making a positive contribution
to both the economy and society.
It is of course unrealistic to believe that all the Palestinians
would head for a single destination. However if Palestinian emigration
was distributed over several countries, they could be absorbed,
resettled and rehabilitated with very little difficulty by a number
of host nations with compatible domestic socio-cultural and religious
environments - with the financial benefits accruing to these host
nations being proportional to number of Palestinian immigrants they
accept.
What
about those who remain? |
This is of course a serious question and a detailed
response would depend on, among other things, the size of the residual
Palestinian population who refuse any material compensation as an
inducement to emigrate. The acuteness of the problem would definitely
be a function of its scale. Clearly the smaller this residual population,
the less pressing and less serious the need will be deal with it.
For example it seems plausible that if, say, only a hundred thousand
Palestinians remain, consideration may well be given to the possibility
of offering them Israeli citizenship - subject to stringent security
vetting and sworn acceptance of Jewish sovereignty as the sole legitimate
source of authority in the land - without endangering the Jewish
character of Israel.
If by contrast well over million remain, granting such citizenship
is liable to jeopardize the Jewish character of the state. Accordingly
other arrangements must be devised. In such a circumstance, the
remaining Palestinians would be deemed (accurately) resident aliens
with wide ranging economic, religious and cultural liberties but
with yet to be determined political affiliation.
Continued right of residency would contingent upon acceptance of
Jewish sovereignty. [Any manifestation of insurrection would result
in the offender being declared a "persona non grata" -
as would be the case in any self-respecting democracy if an alien
resident were to rebel against the prevailing source of sovereignty
- and in his being deported from the country along with those dependant
on him for their livelihood.] One option may be to confer upon them
special UN status together with UN documents to facilitate travel.
Another would be to canvass third party states to offer them non-resident
citizenship in return for financial benefits to theses states.
In any event it is totally unreasonable to insist that Israel either
jeopardize its Jewish character (the very raison d'etre
for its establishment) by conferring full citizenship on a large
populace of hostile aliens, or jeopardize its national security
(indeed survival ) by relinquishing territory comprising vital strategic
assets - to accommodate highly questionable demands of those hostile
aliens.
No other nation on the face of the earth
would acquiesce to such demands; no other nation would be expected
to acquiesce to them.
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Isn't
the proposal an odious/fascist/racist plot for ethnic cleansing? |
This is a most puzzling accusation leveled by some respondents at
the proposal. For it is indeed difficult to fathom what aspect of
the plan could conceivably be considered "odious", "fascist"
or "racist"?
The proposal
prescribes reassigning the treatment of the Palestinian refugees
to an organization with proven record of success (U.N. High Commission
for Refugees - UNHCFR) from one with a proven record of failure
(UNRWA) . Should this be considered "odious", "fascist"
or "racist"? If so, why so??
The
proposal prescribes putting the Palestinian refugees on a par
with all the other refugees on the face of the globe. Should this
be considered "odious", "fascist" or "racist"?
If so, why so??
The
proposal prescribes demanding the elimination of ethnic discrimination
against Palestinians across the Arab world. Should this be considered
"odious", "fascist" or "racist"?
If so, why so??
The
proposal prescribes allowing individual Palestinians to decide,
on their own, for themselves, to extricate themselves and their
families from penury and privation. Should this be considered
"odious", "fascist" or "racist"?
If so, why so??
Indeed in light of the proven political incompetence of the Palestinians
and their manifest lack of authentic political will to exercise
self-determination, one finds it strange that that those who purport
to be sympathetic to the Palestinians would persist in inflicting
on them the hardship and suffering that their spurious demands for
statehood have wrought upon them.
After all isn't giving the notion of "state" absolute
dominance over individual liberties the very essence of fascism?
So wouldn't the real fascists be those who insist that Palestinian
statehood must have precedence over free choice of Palestinian individuals,
whatever the human cost at the personal level??
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More
on the question of ethnic cleansing |
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Should the millions of Arabs/Moslems who decided
to migrate to Western countries to improve their lives be deemed
"ethnically cleansed? Surely not.
So why should Palestinians who make the same decision to improve
their living standards and that of their families - something hitherto
denied them by the adoption of erroneous assumptions regarding the
Arab-Israeli conflict - be considered "ethnically cleansed"
- and not "economically upgraded"?
Moreover, if ethnic separation leads to stability which ethnic
mingling undermines, would this still be considered "immoral"???
If multi-ethnic realities generate bloodshed and enmity - why is
this more moral than mono-ethnic realities that generate calm and
stability???
By the way, isn't the policy of Israeli withdrawal driven precisely
by the principle of ethnic separation? But as opposed to this proposal,
withdrawal will involve Israel relinquishing strategic assets vital
for its security and leave individual Palestinians victims of the
corrupt kleptocracy of the Fatah or the tyrannical theocracy of
the Hamas. How moral is that???
Finally, it should be recalled that although opponents endeavor
to taint it as being fascist or racist, the concept of ethnic separation
and resettlement as vehicle for inducing stability has impeccable
humanitarian credentials, as can be gauged from the following
citation from President Herbert Hoover, whose efforts to relieve
famine and human misery in World War I earned him the title of the
"The Great Humanitarian":
Consideration should be given even to the
heroic remedy of transfer of populations... the hardship of moving
is great, but it is less than the constant suffering of minorities
and the constant recurrence of war.
President Herbert Hoover,
in The Problems of Lasting Peace, pp.235-36
What
if the Same Kind of Offer Would Be Made to Induce Jewish Emigration? |
The answer to this question has two complementary parts:
1. The offer is not on the table for Jews in Israel
and certainly would not be put there by an Israeli government. The
measure is proffered as a means to:
(a) Relieve genuine Palestinian humanitarian misery not Jewish disgruntlement
(b) Ensure - not undermine- the survival of Israel as the Nation-State
of the Jews
2. Of course, it would be impossible to prevent Arab elements from
offering Jews financial inducement to emigrate from Israel, but
in this regard it should be recalled that:
(a) For the overwhelming majority of Israelis, the standard of living
is far higher than that of the Palestinians. Israel is classified
as an advanced industrial nation with a GNP per capita 15-20 times
higher than that in the Palestinian administered territories - and
many independent Arab countries.
(b) Accordingly, it would be commensurately more difficult to tempt
them to leave. The kind sums offered would have to be considerably
higher to create a comparable economic incentive (decades of GNP
per capita of relevant host countries) and would run into millions
rather than hundreds of thousands per family.
(c) In this regard it should be pointed out
that recent polls indicate that between 80-90% of the Jewish population
in Israel are satisfied with their life - thus the prospect of financial
incentives of to induce large scale emigration seems remote.
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